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Article Bank # A-83

LITIGATING PTSD

Making the connection between trauma, from childhood

abuse to combat, and later violent acts

By CLAUDIA BAKER and CESSIE ALFONSO

Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is described in the DSM IV as “the development of characteristic symptoms fol­lowing exposure to an extreme traumatic stressor.” In recent studies among incar­cerated populations. PTSD has been found in approximately 48 percent of female in­mates and 30 percent of male inmates. This article will provide an overview of PTSD, discuss how to arrive at a diagno­sis, explain how PTSD can play a role in criminal offenses and review possible uses in sentencing.

Understanding PTSD

A clear understanding of the definition of “extreme traumatic stressor” is key in accurately, conceptualizing PTSD. If an in­dividual has not been exposed to a trau­matic stressor, PTSD cannot exist. The defi­nition of this term in the PTSD is on one hand very specific but on the other some­what broad. A traumatic stressor must involve ­”actual or threatened death or seri­ous injury or other threat to one’s physical integrity.” The event can be experienced di­rectly, witnessed, or experienced vicariously – ­i.e., learning, of it occurring unexpectedly or violently to a “family member or close associate.” It includes many different types of experiences, from military combat to experiencing a natural disaster to growing up in an inner-city environment. In addi­tion to having survived such an event, an individual must exhibit symptoms from each of three categories; re-experiencing, avoidance/numbing, and increased baseline physiological arousal.

1 Re-experiencing symptoms include intrusive thoughts of the trauma, night­mares, flashbacks and “trigger re­sponses,” i.e. becoming distressed when a stimulus reminiscent of the trauma is encountered.

2 Avoidance/numbing symptoms include avoiding situations reminiscent of the trauma, amnesia for part of the trauma, isolation from others, and a general feeling of emotional numbness.

3 Arousal symptoms include insomnia, angry outbursts or irritability and a gen­eral sense of “jumpiness.”

It is important to note that these symptoms do not always begin immediately following a traumatic event. Often, symptoms of PTSD do not become evident until many, years af­ter the trauma.

Establishing the diagnosis

In order to establish a diagnosis of PTSD. the existence of an “extreme trau­matic stressor” must be verified. In the case of combat-induced PTSD, this can be relatively ­easily accomplished by obtaining military records and consulting with some­one experienced in reading these docu­ments. With other types of trauma, this can be more problematic. However, depending on the nature of the trauma, other public documents or corroboration of the trauma from neutral sources may be helpful.

Once the existence of a traumatic stres­sor has been established, the diagnosis of PTSD must be made by a mental health pro­fessional with experience in trauma. Vari­ous instruments have been developed to assess for PTSD, including the Mississippi Scale for PTSD (combat and civilian ver­sions), the Clinician Administered PTSD Scale for DSM IV and certain portions of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inven­torv. However, certain behaviors observable by a layperson can indicate the possibility of PTSD. Individuals with PTSD tend to be jumpy, irritable and can exhibit difficult in concentrating. A psychiatrist with a great deal of experience in assessing for PTSD once stated: “Show me a someone who is relaxed and claims to have PTSD and I will show you a charlatan.” In addition, genuine distress will be exhibited when discussing the traumatic event, and often attempts will be made to avoid discussing it. Someone who begins telling each and every gory de­tail of a trauma before even being asked is suspect.

In establishing the credibility of the diag­nosis it is also crucial to be able to demon­strate that the individual’s level of function­ing declined after the trauma, and that the symptoms and behaviors in question were not present prior to the trauma. This re­quires obtaining information from some­one who has known the individual both be­fore and after the trauma. With PTSD arising from childhood abuse, this can be prob­lematic, since a premorbid of functioning is often difficult to determine.

The link between PTSD and the offense

PTSD can be linked to criminal behavior in two primary ways. First, symptoms of PTSD can incidentally lead to criminal be­havior, and second, offenses can be seen as directly connected to the specific trauma an individual experienced.

Many symptoms of PTSD can lead to a lifestyle likely to result in criminal behavior and/or sudden outbursts of violence. In­dividuals with PTSD are often plagued by memories of the trauma and are chroni­cally anxious. Often, attempts are made to self-medicate with drugs and alcohol. The emotional numbness experienced by many trauma survivors can result in the Survivor engaging in sensation-seeking behavior in an attempt to experience some type of emo­tion, or, in the case of combat veterans. to recreate the adrenaline rush experienced during combat. Feelings of needing to al­ways be “on guard” can result in a tendency to misinterpret benign situations as threat­ening and respond with perceived self-pro­tective behavior. Increased baseline physiological arousal can then result in violent behavior that is out of proportion to the perceived threat. The feelings of guilt com­monly experienced by trauma survivors can sometimes lead to the commission of crimes in which there is a near certainty of either being apprehended and punished or seriously injured or killed. A direct link between a particular traumatic stressor and a specific crime can be evidenced in three primary ways. First, crimes at times liter­ally or symbolically recreate important as­pects of a trauma. State v. Gregory (No. 19205, Montgomery Co. Cir. Ct., MD, 1979) is an example of this type of case. A Vietnam combat veteran was charged with eight counts of kidnapping and assault after an incident at a bank in Silver Spring, Maryland in 1977. He entered the bank dressed in a suit with his military decorations pinned on it and armed with two M-16 automatic rifles, the weapon used by U.S. forces in Vietnam. He announced that he was not robbing the bank, let the women and chil­dren go, and took the remaining occupants hostage. Over a five-hour period, he fired over 250 rounds of ammunition into the air and at inanimate objects before the police apprehended him without seri­ous injury to anyone.

Gregory was convicted but the convic­tion was later overturned on appeal. The examining psychiatrist determined that Gregory had been one of a very few survi­vors of an ambush of his platoon in Viet­nam and testified that the defendant’s be­havior in the bank was an attempt to recre­ate an ambush situation. His behavior was viewed as an attempt at passive suicide in order to relieve the intense guilt he felt about having survived when so many others per­ished.

The trigger

Second. environmental conditions simi­lar to those existing at the time of the trauma can induce behavior similar to that exhib­ited during the trauma. in particular vio­lent responses, as exemplified in People v. Wood (No. 80-1-410, Cook Co. Cir. Ct. Ill., 1982). Wood was charged with attempted murder after shooting his foreman during a dispute. His prior PTSD diagnosis was docu­mented as well as his history of combat duty ­in Vietnam. Testimony concerning the simi­larity of noises in the factory to noises he heard during combat and actual tape re­cordings were introduced and it was argued that these conditions set the stage for his violent behavior. The jury returned a ver­dict of not guilty by reason of insanity.

Finally, life events immediately preced­ing the offense can realistically or symboli­cally force the individual to face unresolved conflicts related to the trauma, thereby re­sulting in a disturbed psychological state in which otherwise unlikely behaviors emerge. In State v. Heads (No. 106-126, 1st Dist. Ct., Caddo Parish, La., 1981), the defendant was a Vietnam combat veteran who was con­victed of second degree murder in 1978 af­ter breaking into his sister-in-law,’s house and repeatedly firing a .45 caliber auto­matic pistol. One of the bullets killed the sister-in-law’s husband. Heads had recently separated from his wife and had entered the home in an attempt to locate her. As he had experienced the loss of many friends in Vietnam, the emotional threat of losing his wife was severe enough to disrupt his psy­chological equilibrium and result in ex­tremely violent behavior in a man with no prior criminal history. In addition, the scene of the shooting in Louisiana was described as “Vietnam-like,” which was seen as con­tributing to his violence. At his second trial in 1981 (his first conviction was overturned on appeal for reasons unrelated to PTSD), a jury found him not guilty by reason of in­sanity. The issue of wrote one com­mentator, “established the theory of admis­sibility of virtually the entirety of Charles Heads’ life” (“Implications to Forensic Psychiatry ­of PTSD: A review,” Military Medicine, vol. 151, at 434-437, August 1986).

Crimes that are directly linked to trau­matic stressors usually exhibit certain char­acteristics. Often the defendant has no criminal history and has no coherent ex­planation for the behavior. It may be diffi­cult to discern any current motivation for the crime. The choice of a victim may seem accidental and an apparently benign situa­tion may have resulted in violence. There may be amnesia for all or part of the crime and the individual may report numerous stressors prior to the crime that are related either literally or psychologically to the original trauma. The act itself may also be linked symbolically or realistically to the original trauma; however, the individual is usually unaware of this connection.

Beyond combat trauma

PTSD can arise from many types of trauma. Though military records generally ­make combat trauma easier to document, other types of records can be used in other types of cases, including police records for witnessing family violence, hospital records from accidents or abuse, newspapers for violent incidents occurring in the defendants neighborhood, or crime statistics for grow­ing up in “war zone” neighborhoods. Fam­ily members, acquaintances or neighbors can often corroborate various types of childhood abuse and exposure to commu­nity violence.

With childhood abuse, it can be harder to establish a personality change pre and post trauma, since the personality is not fully formed before the trauma begins. Often, although PTSD symptoms may be present in survivors of childhood abuse, manifestations of personality disorders are usually the ­more salient symptoms/characteristics.

In these cases, it can be especially impor­tant to either link certain PTSD symptoms to the crime, i.e. angry outbursts, sensation­-seeking behavior to alleviate feelings of emotional numbness, misinterpreting be­nign situations as hostile, feelings of guilt ­or to link the crime itself to certain aspects of the trauma, e.g. environmental conditions at the time resembled childhood conditions, the crime literally, or symbolically, recre­ated some aspect of the childhood trauma or life events immediately prior to the crime brought trauma-related issues to the psychological forefront. The lack of a criminal history can also be key since long-term an­tisocial behavior is more likely to be seen as the result of a personality disorder than as the result of either PTSD symptoms or attempts to resolve issues around the trauma.

Also, increasing attention is being paid to the link between long-term exposure to community violence (i.e. growing up in in­ner city violent neighborhoods) and PTSD. More research is currently being done on this issue.

PTSD in sentencing

The presence of PTSD should be con­sidered by the court during sentencing. It should be introduced as a mitigating factor during the penalty phase of a capital case. In states with “three strikes” laws and in federal cases, the presence of PTSD may be reason for the court to depart from compulsory sentencing strictures.

Various issues pertaining to individuals’ traumatic experience and subsequent adjustment are relevant when PTSD is introduced in sentencing proceedings.

Was any type of treatment made available to the defendant either immediately after the event or in the months afterwards? The importance of crisis intervention ­among survivors of traumatic events

is beginning to be fully appreciated.

At what age did the trauma occur and what are the ramifications of this on de­fendants’ personality development? Although trauma at an early age can have a more pervasive effect on individuals’ functioning, documenting personality changes pre and post trauma is easier with stres­sors experienced at a later age.

If a defendant has a history of criminal convictions and/or poor adjustment dur­ing prior incarcerations, what is the role that undiagnosed PTSD may have played in this behavior? For an individual with PTSD, a prison setting, with its necessity be constantly vigilant and its pervasive threat of violence, can be profoundly retraumatizing and may exacerbate PTSD symptoms resulting in violent acting out.

Finally, what is the psychiatric prognosis? Although PTSD is a chronic condition, with the proper treatment and edu­cation its symptoms can usually be successfully managed. Receiving the proper treatment for PTSD during incarceration is unlikely. Actually, due to the retraumatizing effects of prison life, a lengthy incarceration will likely result in serious exacerbation of PTSD symptoms and a subsequent deterioration in level of functioning.

Defenders’ Duty

When considering the role that expo­sure to a previous traumatic stressor may have played in current criminal behavior, it is important to be able to recognize crimes in which PTSD may have played a role, be aware of symptoms of possible PTSD, establish a legitimate and credible diagnosis (including documentation of the traumatic stressor if possible), and discern in what way the criminal act was either related to PTSD symptomatology or linked in some way to the original traumatic stres­sor.

Further information on PTSD is available at the National Center for PTSD’s website at www.dartmouth.edu/dms/ptsd.

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